Every bit urban and rural communities are becoming more than singled-out forth demographic lines, they are besides condign more polarized politically. Americans in urban and rural communities take widely different views when it comes to social and political issues. From feelings about President Donald Trump to views on clearing and same-sex marriage, at that place are broad gaps between urban and rural adults.

While these differences have been widely documented, the survey finds that, on some problems, they can exist attributed to differences in the partisan composition of urban, suburban and rural areas, rather than in viewpoints that are rooted in a item blazon of community. Rural areas tend to have a college concentration of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, while a bulk of Americans in urban communities identify as Democrats or lean toward the Autonomous Political party. These patterns have become more pronounced over the by two decades as rural areas have moved in a Republican direction and urban counties have become even more Democratic. Americans who live in the suburbs are near evenly divided in their partisan loyalties, and that has more often than not been the instance in recent decades.

When it comes to ballgame rights, the meaning gap in attitudes betwixt urban and rural residents – 61% of those in urban areas compared with 46% in rural areas say abortion should exist legal in all or well-nigh cases – virtually disappears after controlling for party. Similar shares of Republicans in urban, suburban and rural communities express this view, as do almost equivalent shares of Democrats in urban and rural communities.

A like pattern can be seen on the question of whether the economic arrangement unfairly favors powerful interests, or if it is by and large fair to nigh Americans. Overall, urban residents are more than probable than those living in rural areas to say the economic organisation is unfair, merely that divergence is not notable inside party groups.

The aforementioned can be said of views on the land'due south irresolute demographics. Across community types, views are similar within the Republican and Autonomous coalitions on the upshot of nonwhites making up a bulk of the population in the time to come, despite differences among urban, suburban and rural residents overall.

In some cases, however, differences across community types remain even after taking partisanship into account. For example, rural Republicans are more likely than Republicans living in urban areas to say the contempo legalization of same-sexual activity marriage is a bad thing for the country.

Urban and rural Republicans accept somewhat different views on Trump

Asked to rate President Trump on a "feeling thermometer" ranging from 0 to 100, a majority of Americans give Trump a very cold (51%) or somewhat cool (eight%) rating, while ten% rate him a neutral 50 on the 0-100 point thermometer. By dissimilarity, 31% of Americans requite him a very warm (22%) or somewhat warm (9%) rating.

Trump'due south ratings are particularly warm in rural areas, where 4-in-ten rate him warmly. By dissimilarity, 19% of people in urban areas give Trump a warm rating.

These differences by community blazon remain, even later on controlling for party. Amongst Republicans, 56% of rural residents requite Trump a very warm rating, compared with 48% of suburban and 46% of urban Republicans.

Inside the Republican coalition, at that place are significant age gaps in views of Trump. In the suburbs, the share rating Trump very warmly is substantially higher among Republicans ages 50 and older (57%) than among Republicans younger than 50 (38%).

This gap persists among rural Republicans, a group largely considered fundamental to Trump'southward base. Younger rural Republicans are less likely than their older counterparts to rate Trump very warmly (44% vs. 66%).

Amidst Democrats, community type differences are more modest: 84% of suburban Democrats give President Trump a very common cold rating, compared with 78% of urban Democrats and 75% of rural Democrats. And across community types, age plays less of a office in Democrats' views of Trump than amid Republicans.

Similarly, views of Barack Obama are divided by community blazon inside parties: seventy% of Republicans in urban areas give Obama a cold rating, compared with 78% of Republicans in rural areas. And urban Democrats are more likely to give Obama a warm rating (83%) than rural Democrats (72%).

Urban Republicans are more than evenly dissever on social bug than rural Republicans

On the consequence of aforementioned-sex marriage, the parties have long been divided. Still, controlling for partisan differences, the urban-rural separate persists on this issue. While 71% of rural Republicans say the legalization of same-sex marriage is a bad affair for the U.Due south., Republicans in urban areas are significantly less likely to say the same (56%).

Among Democrats, in that location is less of a stardom. Urban and rural Democrats largely agree on the result of aforementioned-sexual activity marriage (71% of urban Democrats and 67% of rural Democrats say it is a good thing). Suburban Democrats take a somewhat more favorable view (78% say this is a proficient thing).

A similar pattern can be seen in views of societal priorities when information technology comes to marriage and family. Respondents were asked which of the post-obit statements came closer to their own views, even if neither is exactly correct: Society is better off if people make union and having children a priority, or society is just also off if people have priorities other than matrimony and children.

Among Republicans, there is a wide gap past community type. Urban Republicans are split, with 53% saying social club is just also off if people have other priorities than marriage and kids and 45% proverb guild is better off if people prioritize marriage and kids. Past contrast, majorities of rural (57%) and suburban (60%) Republicans say the latter.

Among Democrats, views on immigration differ by community type

Every bit the immigrant share of the U.S. population nears a celebrated high, Americans are largely divided past party and customs blazon when it comes to views of immigrants. Among Democrats, those in urban (75%) and suburban areas (81%) are more probable than those in rural areas (65%) to say the growing number of newcomers strengthens American society rather than threatening traditional American customs and values.

Differences on this question inside the Republican coalition are more modest: 78% of rural Republicans say the growing number of newcomers threatens traditional American customs and values. This compares with 74% of suburban Republicans and lxx% of urban Republicans. Relatively few Republicans, across community types, say immigrants strengthen the country.

When asked about the impact immigrants are having on their ain community, a like pattern emerges, with Democrats divided across community types. Among those who say there are at least a few immigrants in their local community, 56% of urban Democrats say their touch on is mostly positive, compared with 43% of rural Democrats.

Overall, urban and suburban residents are more than likely than those living in rural areas to say there are immigrants living in their local community, but even amid rural residents the vast majority – 79% – say in that location are at least a few.

Beyond partisanship, large racial, gender and generational gaps exist inside communities on key problems

Depending on the type of community in which Americans live, views differ sharply on whether white people in the U.S. do good from advantages in gild that black people practice non take.

Americans living in rural areas are roughly evenly divided: 52% say whites do not do good too much or at all from advantages in club that black people do not have, and 47% say they do good a great deal or a fair amount. By contrast, three-in-ten people living in urban areas say whites practice not benefit from societal advantages; 69% say they do.

Overall, the views of whites differ sharply from those of nonwhites on this issue.four While nigh half (51%) of whites say people in their racial group do non benefit from societal advantages, but 22% of nonwhites agree.

The racial gap persists across all 3 customs types. White rural residents are twice equally likely to say whites do not benefit from extra advantages (lx% vs. 30%). Similarly, there is a wide gap between the share of whites (49%) and nonwhites (20%) in suburban communities who say whites practise not do good from societal advantages.

Even so, among nonwhites there is a split up between those living in urban and rural areas. While xviii% of nonwhites in urban areas say whites don't take extra advantages, 30% of rural nonwhites say this.

When controlling for differences in partisanship across community types, the racial divide persists on this effect. Amidst Republicans living in suburban areas, 72% of whites say that whites don't do good from societal advantages, compared with 52% of nonwhites – a twenty-percentage-point gap. And among suburban Democrats, whites are eight points more likely than nonwhites (nineteen% vs. 11%) to say this.

Similarly, at that place is a racial gap in views of demographic modify in the U.S. Across all community types, nonwhites are far more likely than whites to say it's a skilful affair for the country that nonwhites will make up a majority of the population in 25 to 30 years. This design tin can also exist seen in the suburbs, where 14% of whites say this type of demographic change is proficient for the country, compared with 46% of Hispanics and 56% of blacks. A majority of suburban whites (64%) say this demographic change is neither skillful nor bad for the state.

Millennials are significantly more probable to favor same-sex activity wedlock than Gen Xers, Boomers across all customs types

Millennials across urban, suburban and rural areas are significantly more probable than Babe Boomers and members of the Silent Generation to say they call back the legalization of same-sexual practice marriage is a good thing for society.

This departure is stark in the suburbs. About seven-in-ten Millennials living in suburban areas (72%) say the legalization of same-sex marriage is a good thing. Amid Gen Xers equally well, a bulk (59%) say this is a good thing for society. Boomers in suburban areas are more divided in views on same-sexual practice spousal relationship: About half (51%) say it is a skilful matter for society. Just 1-tertiary of suburban Silents say this is a good affair.

These generational differences on same-sex marriage remain, fifty-fifty when decision-making for differences in the partisan composition of each customs.

Views of immigrants besides differ widely past generation. Roughly half (52%) of Millennials in rural areas say the growing number of newcomers from other countries strengthens American society compared with 36% of Baby Boomers in rural areas and 32% of Silents who say the aforementioned.

This pattern is nearly identical across community types, with Millennials in urban and suburban areas too more than likely than Boomers and members of the Silent Generation to say newcomers strengthen society.

Across community types, women are more probable than men to say obstacles still exist for women

Majorities of Americans in all iii community types say there are still meaning obstacles that brand it harder for women to go ahead than men. Americans living in urban areas are somewhat more likely to say this is the example (lx%), than are those in suburban (55%) and rural (53%) areas.

However, there is a significant gap between men and women on views nearly the obstacles women face to go alee. Women are far more probable than men to say significant obstacles even so be that make it harder for women to become alee. Two-thirds of women, compared with 46% of men, say obstacles still exist.

And this gender gap is consistent across all types of communities. For example, 62% of rural women say they think obstacles still exist for women, compared with 43% of rural men.

Even afterward controlling for party, the gender gap persists beyond community types. For example, amongst Republicans in rural areas, women are about twice equally likely every bit men to say obstacles however exist that keep them from getting ahead (53% of rural Republican women vs. 27% of rural Republican men).